Juvenile Probation and Community-based Corrections Essay Example for Free

Juvenile Probation and Community-based Corrections Essay This society is much more different than that of yesterday. Today, the country is encountering the biggest economic crisis, the war against Iraq seems to be endless, and the crime rates are increasing to a highly alarming level. As depressing as this current situation appears, the even more devastating part is that the juveniles have been partly responsible for the crime and violence all over the country. Juvenile delinquents are young people. To be more specific, they are individuals below the legal age or under eighteen who have been convicted of a crime. In some states, the legal age for criminal liability has been lowered down to 14 years old (Hill Hill, 2005). Criminal Justice System is a very complicated and diverse field, and the aspect concerning juvenile delinquency has always been on top of controversies and heated debates. These young people are in the early stages of their lives and as such, it is difficult to devise and implement the exact measure that will be necessary and effective for them to learn their lesson. Everybody knows that breaking the law and committing serious crime and violence are unthinkable; however, a more unbearable and heartbreaking thought would be finding out that the law offenders and crime doers are children who, at their very young age, are supposed to be blissfully unaware of the devastating aspect of being a grown-up. They should be in school studying, playing and enjoying their innocence (McCurley Snyder, 2004). Examining all the different angles of juvenile delinquency can be a very complex process, and as such, different measures and approaches are necessary. The observation made by many was that the plans and programs enacted focus too much in the offense, and they may have lost their perspective on the treatment. Some states lowered the age of accountability from juveniles to adults. The courts, on the other hand, created minimum sentences depending on the offense. The problem created in these situations lie in the application. These are offense-based strategies. They create an assumption that the youth who committed a crime should be dealt with no matter what. These laws completely disregard the age, level of maturity, individual differences, and the competence of the person in making judgments. For instance, in Virginia, New York, and other states, laws relating to juveniles have been adjusted to include young children who committed serious crimes to be tried as adults and not as juveniles (University of Pittsburgh, n. d. ). When asked about this new reform, these states simply stated that there are times when the child committed crimes in ways that are heinous and unthinkable, and as such, the acts cannot be perceived as the works of a child. Therefore, the court deemed it proper that they be tried and punished as adults (MoneyInstructor. com, 2009). Rehabilitation and not punishment should be the main aim of juvenile delinquency laws. The presumption is that adolescents are very fragile during their growing years. Thus, they should be treated with extreme care and sensitivity. In order to make an effective prevention plan, one must first understand the person’s main reason in being involved in these criminal activities in order for different methods and approaches in disciplining them to be enforced. The government has not given up hope in reaching out to these youngsters, so they made available community and residential treatments as well as non-residential and institutionalized treatments. A person will be placed by the court on probation when it becomes convinced that the child poses no harm or danger to himself and to the society. Probation is a supervised program commanded by the court of competent jurisdiction in instances wherein the offender is a youth which has been convicted of a criminal act. In this case, the person’s freedom is limited, and his or her activities are restricted and are under the custody of the Department of Juvenile Justice. It is mandated by the court that the youth should follow all the conditions and sanctions in connection with the offense (Florida Department of Juvenile Justice, 2005). Some of the conditions under which a youth is released for probation are being home on a specific time of the day upon the request of the probation officer, attending school, and obeying its rules and regulations constantly. The court may also order the youth to avoid going to a particular type of place and to avoid mingling with a group of people. As of 1999, statistics show that four out of ten juvenile delinquency cases or approximately more than one half were placed under probation (Elrod Ryder, 2005). Community-based correction and treatment pertains to the different kinds of overseeing, control, and support for the youth offenders. These plans and programs were organized because the government firmly believes that one of the efficient and effective ways to influence the young people to change their bad attitudes and behaviors and become a better person is to assist and give them responsibilities that belong to a normal person within a particular community (Elrod Ryder, 2005). It is important for the juvenile to be affiliated with a group. This will give him or her a chance to socialize and be acquainted with other people with whom he or she can relate to. This environment is especially set up and programmed for the children to feel as normal as possible and for them to be engaged in community-related activities. Making these youngsters feel that they are significant and accepted in the society will help speed up their rehabilitation. The government strongly supports the community treatment for juveniles because of the symbiotic relationship created. In this atmosphere, everybody has a role to play; therefore, no one would feel less important and insignificant (Streib Sametz, 2006). Restitution has also been made a part of the community treatment. In restitution, the offender gives either monetary payment or community service in proportion to the damages that the victim suffered. This is a way of reimbursing the victim for everything that he or she experienced because of the crime. The rationale behind this type of treatment is that rehabilitation in the lightest and mildest form may lead the offender to think about what he did. Putting a child in a penal establishment even for just a minor infraction would not rehabilitate him or her; it would ruin the child’s life and his or her perspective for the worst, thereby destroying his or her life (Streib Sametz, 2006). Community-based programs for correction and rehabilitation aim to achieve several objectives. These include but are not limited to sanctioning the youth offenders, assisting them in identifying themselves in relation to the community that they belong to, and helping them realize that being in this program is much better than being placed inside a penal establishment. There are times when they should realize the truth of their current situation because some of these young offenders resist being helped and would rather be put in an institution. Helping them see the possibilities and changes that may occur by reason of their cooperation in the community will help them gain a variety of new perspectives, and in some instances, this is an effective strategy (Elrod Ryder, 2005). Every treatment given is on a case-to-case basis depending on the situation. Thus, there is no treatment proven to be most effective for all juveniles. The community-based treatment generates different results. The test to measure whether or not a program worked is the recidivism rate. If the offender, after finishing the rehabilitation plan, never committed another crime again, that is only the time when the program can be declared as effective (Streib Sametz, 2006). There are also several pieces of evidence that prove that this program is less inexpensive than institutional-based programs. Other programs for youth offenders have been evaluated, and according to the findings, they do not produce great improvement as shown by subsequent acts of the offenders. The government was not surprised to a certain extent because the disparity between the community-based approach and other types of programs can be readily ascertained. Due to these results, some states are making a huge effort to shift their plan of action to community-based systems (Streib Sametz, 2006). There are many factors that come into play regarding the causes and effects of juvenile delinquency. The parents, the church, and the community greatly influence the upbringing of these children. In most cases, the root of the problem for these youth is lack of self-acceptance, guidance, and attention. The future of the country lies in the hands of these children, and if they mess up their present, they will have no future ahead of them. The juvenile justice system is continuing and struggling to attain its purpose in giving the youth a second chance at life because of that promising hope of a brighter tomorrow for the entire country.

The higher the temperature of the sodium thiosulphate the faster the :: GCSE Chemistry Coursework Investigation

The higher the temperature of the sodium thiosulphate the faster the reaction of the two liquids. Information. According to the kinetic theory all matter is made up of tiny, invisible particles that move all the time. When the temperature is increased around or on these particles, the faster they move. Heavier particles move more slowly than light ones at a given temperature. This theory defines the differences between solids liquids and gasses; in a gas the particles move freely and at random in all the space available, in solids particles only vibrate around fixed positions and in liquids the particles have some freedom and can move around each other. Using the kinetic theory we can explain changes in the state of substances as they are heated and cooled. We can also explain dissolving and diffusion using the kinetic theory. The kinetic theory says that gases diffuse to fill up the space around them. This explains how the smell of cooking can be smelt all over the house after a short period of time. It's not only gases that diffuse, diffusion occurs in liquids too. Diffusion involves the movement of particles from a region of higher concentration towards a region of lower concentration. The kinetic theory can be used to explain the factors affecting the rates of reaction, this is an extension to the kinetic theory called the collision theory. The collision theory says that Chemical reactions occur when particles of the reactants collide. They must collide with a certain minimum energy, called the activation energy. To summarise, the requirements for an effective collision (for a chemical reaction to occur): The reactants must collide with each other, The molecules must have sufficient energy to initiate the reaction (called activation energy). Planning This experiment is to discover what affects rate of reaction. In this experiment there are two solutions used, Sodium Thiosulphate and Hydrochloric Acid. (Sodium Thiosulphate + Hydrochloric Acid) (Na2S2O3 (aq) + 2HCl (aq) In this reaction, a fine precipitate of sulphur slowly forms, to measure the rate of reaction, we time how long it takes to form the precipitate. Five of the most common ways to influence the rate of reaction can be explained using collision theory. They are: changing the nature of the reactants, changing the concentration of one or more of the reactants, changing the temperature at which a reaction is performed, changing the surface area of a solid reactant, adding a catalyst. I have chosen to study how the rate of reaction changes when the temperature of the sodium thiosulphate is varied. Before we could conduct the experiment there was some preliminary work to be done. This was to find out what amount of each liquid would be

Essay on Carol Berkin’s Revolutionary Mothers Essay

Carol Berkin clearly states her thesis in the introduction of Revolutionary Mothers. â€Å"Despite the absence of radical changes in gender ideology and gender roles for most women, the Revolution did lend legitimacy to new ideas about women’s capacities and their proper roles†. (Berkin 2005) In two thousand and fourteen it is questionable about how clearly women’s roles have changed especially in the areas of economics and politics at least it is obvious that the revolution did not bring equality. Legal status has changed. Of course, educational opportunities have expanded greatly; however, it often appears the more things change the more they stay the same. Even our popular vernacular demonstrates an entrenched gender inequality. â€Å"You throw like a girl† reveals poor physical performance. To concretely state subordination a person need only to make another their â€Å"bitch†. Female autonomy is usually used to denote weakness. While women now have the right to vote it is interesting that in the US Senate only 20 of the 100 senators are female. Look to Fortune 500 CEO’s and you will find only 24 female CEO’s. (Fairchild 2014) It is standard knowledge that while women are legally entitled to their wages they make 82 cents to the dollar of a male’s wages and even lower percentages for women of color. (US Department of Labor 2014) As a result of the Revolution, changes occurred. â€Å"While all those who debated the woman question agreed on the intellectual and moral equality of the sexes, few believed that the two sexed should  employ their abilities in the same arenas.† (Berkin 2005) If this is true of 1781, it is true of 2014 as well. Gender roles still ensure women are not equal social, economic, and political participants in the US. Clearly, women could not have demanded emancipation at the conclusion of the Revolution principally because of strict gender roles on the 1700’s. Yet to assume women did not contemplate greater political, economic, and social equality because of gender roles would relegate them to inferior intellect and place Victorian ideology onto them in 2014. Women questioned their position as any other individual even though they did not collectively seek radical change. Berkin makes a strong case steeped with evidence about an independent political conscience emerging. Feme covert was the status 18th century women found themselves in upon marriage. This status meant her legal personhood disappeared with marriage as she was assumed by her husband as a dependent. Berkin begins her argument with the role of women at the time of the American Revolution. Women could assume new responsibilities because of her helpmate responsibilities without seeing those responsibilities in light of a desire to change her status. However, more than that was occurring. â€Å"†¦across the colonies, women and girls developed concerns outside the private world of the family and began to ‘think nationly’.† (ibid, 11) Largely because of women’s roles in the process of boycotting goods, women utilized political power. Women became critical participants in the opposition to Britain. Gender could not stop the obvious question of what would be the meaning of the demanded changes. Purchasing power was used as an effective tool and the humanitiy that pushed women into participation must have also generated questions as to what ch anges would occure because of these protest. Gender roles might have inhibited the action of demanding change but it didn’t stop the question from beign raised. Being loving or even just obedient partners might explain their involvement but it could not surpress the natural inclienation of asking questions of why. The Edenton Resolves profess that although women owed obedience to their husbands their behavior was also for personal reasons, â€Å"Yet they also declared that it was the duty they owed to themselves.† (ibid, 22) Loyality and gender roles would impact female actions and motivations. â€Å"Catherine Schuyler, wife of the American general Philip Schuyler, tossed flaming torches on her fields of wheat rather than  see it used to feed General John Burgoyne’s invading army.† (ibid, 41) Still primal motivations of survival and self interst would dominate motivation. â€Å"The whole world appeared to me as a theatre, where nothing was acted buy cruelty, bloodshed, and oppression; where neither age nor sex escaped the horrors of injustice and violence; where lives and property of the innocent and inoffensive were in continual danger, and the lawless power ranged at large.† (idib, 36) Survival motivated. Whether refering to camp followers or Generals wives, self interest moved human action. The Baroness von Riedessel, Martha Washington, or Caty Greene were all tied to their husbands and their success. Their decision to follow their husbands and face the challenges facing soldiers on the front lines with a definite grace related to their own futures and status as much as their husbands and each of these women would have known that fact. Surely loyality and affection played a role in their behavior, but not necessarily many more that self interest. Nathaneal Greene instructs his wife on her options during his absence, â€Å"She chose neither of his suggestions.† (ibid, 78) Instead she made her own choice on her own interest. Self interest were linked to an emerging independent conscience. Grace Galloway exposes this point. When her loyalist husband left her in Philadelphia she found herself in dire straits. Even when the government confiscated her property, she worked to retain economic rights. â€Å"Grace did not surrender quietly. Throughout 1778, her journal entries show her determined attempts to separate and recover her dowry property from the rest of her husband’s property.† (ibid, 94) Female political conscience was also demonstrated by the shift in legal verbage. â€Å"Thus statutes defining treason began to speak of ‘persons’ rather than mne, of ‘he and she’ rathen than ‘he’ alonge.† (ibid, 100) These â€Å"†¦independent political choices† (ibid, 100) could be looked at as wifely duties but the law saw otherwise. Native America women also had to weigh self interest in dete rmining the best course of action and the wisest ally in the American Revolution. Gender roles among some Natives were quite different than most European gender roles. So a natural inability to compromise became extremely strained. â€Å"For those steeped in the English traditions of subordination of women, women’s councils and women warriors were a radical crossing of gender lines†¦There are few records of Indian women’s view of English colonial society. Those that exist suggest amazement at the female  dependency and exclusion from political life that marked a culture that was as alien to them as theirs was to the English.† (ibid, 109) Molly Bryant’s loyalty to Britain marked her belief in protecting her self-interest. â€Å"She believed her political commitment to the Crown honored her husband’s memory and, most importantly, served the best interest of her Mohawk kinsmen and women.† (ibid, 112) For her entire life she worked as a political leader attempting to secure lands and rights for her people. Several other female Native leaders worked to secure Native interest. The American Revolution would greatly limit the voice of Native people and particularly Nativ e women but many Natives had a definite political conscience which they voiced loudly and often. Gender norms did not stop African Americans women from questioning the ideas of liberty promoted in the American Revolution. Likewise, the self-interest of the British crown encouraged them to court African Americans for support as Dunmore’s Ethiopian Regiment attest. The chaos of the war offered opportunities for freedom and many sought refuge behind British lines. Usually these opportunities did not lend themselves to freedom with many Africans sold to the West Indies, yet the vast number and movement of Africans show the ability to work towards their own benefit and the ability to think politically. Berkin uses primary sources to lay out her claims including newspapers, letters, and diaries. Relying heavily on the work of Elizabeth Ellet’s Women and the American Revolution, her work was influenced by the gender roles of the 1840’s and 1850’s. The Cult of Womanhood cloud the political conscience of Revolutionary women but even so that voice questions personal sovereignty. At times Berkin seems superficial in her arguments; still she argues that change did occur with the American Revolution. There was no great revolution for women’s economic, political, and social equality. John Adams states, â€Å"We are obliged to g o fair, and softly, and in Practice We are the subjects. We have only the Name of Masters, and rather than give up this, which would completely subject Us to the Despotism of the Petticoats, I hope General Washington and all our brave Heroes would fight.† (ibid, 158) Even so the women’s debate did cause pause. â€Å"Reason rules, in every one, the same. No Right, has Man, his Equals to control, Since, all agree, There is no Sex in soul.† (ibid, 151) â€Å"Women’s participation in the war had given concrete, empirical evidence of their ability to think rationally and make ethical  judgments.† (ibid, 152) Carol Berkin uses both famous and obscure women. She looks at patriots and loyalistis, trulls and General’s wives, Native Americans, African Americans, and spies. The idea of Revolutionary mothers who would train the upcoming generations of Republican citizens guaranteed changes in women’s education but at the expense of extensions of rights for women. Yet changes in education would give voice to festering ideas. In spite of this revolution, political conscience began to develop. Suffrage was eventually won but not as an extension of the Revolution. Gender roles of 2014 still create a definite imbalance in society politically, economically, and socially. Women function, work, raise families, display citizenship, pay their bills, and interact within their communities within continued gender restrictions. Because we do not protest or demand immediate resolution does not mean we do not think about, contemplate these inequities. How could Abigail Adams prompt John Adams to â€Å"Remember the Ladies† if she did not have a conscience about the injustice of property and legal status of women? Berkin, Carol. Revolutionary Mothers Women in the Struggle for America’s Independence. New York: Vintage Books, 2005. Fairchild, Caroline. Fortune. July 8, 2014. http://fortune.com/2014/07/08/women-ceos-fortune-500-1000/ (accessed November 8, 2014). US Department of Labor. Bureau of Labor Statistics. October 24, 2014. http://www.bls.gov/news.release/pdf/wkyeng.pdf (accessed November 8, 2014).

Salem Witch Trials A Crucial Moment In History - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 10 Words: 3028 Downloads: 3 Date added: 2019/05/21 Category History Essay Level High school Tags: Salem Witch Trials Essay Did you like this example? Salem Witch Trials Thesis: The Salem Witch Trials are still relevant today as they serve as an example both of how mass hysteria arises at times of societal instability, and as a warning against the tendency of society to find a scapegoat for its fears and concerns. In the years leading up to the Salem Witch Trials, the Salem community experienced societal instability due to several different factors. Like all of the other colonies, Salem was established in a region where mortality rates were quite high, often due to famine, disease, and frequent wars. While there were multiple wars during the early colonial period, including wars with different Native American tribes, the Dutch, the French, and the Spaniards, it was King Williams War in particular that had the greatest impact on the New England area around the time of the witch trials. During King Williams war, which began in 1688, the English colonists fought against New France and its Native allies. There had already been much tension between English and French colonists leading up to the war, which only increased when Englands King William III joined the League of Augsburg to fight against France (roach intro). Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Salem Witch Trials: A Crucial Moment In History" essay for you Create order There were also ongoing disagreements over the border between New England and Acadia, a colony of New France that included parts of Maine, after many English colonists from Massachusetts had begun to expand and settle there. Throughout the war, the French and their Native American allies launched multiple attacks on English colonists. For example, at the Battle of Fort Loyal in 1690, in Falmouth, Maine, the French massacred two hundred English settlers, taking all the survivors as prisoners, and burning down what remained of the settlement. In addition, just days after the first girls in Salem became afflicted, the French and Abenaki Indians attacked York, Maine, killing fifty colonists, including women and children, slaughtering cattle, and destroying buildings and farms (roach 9). Thus, the incredibly close proximity of the battles to Salem worried many of the colonists there, and the fear of sudden attack became a prominent concern, playing into their everyday lives. While Salem, itself, was never the focal point of the attacks, much of the area was open to Indian invasion, and often Natives were seen creeping around the Salem Village, further increasing the anxieties of the colonists. Rumors of the death and destruction coming from other New England colonies also helped to spread panic. Furthermore, many of the colonists who were left homeless after the wars migrated to Salem, putting a strain on Salems already stretched resources. The economic strain of war refugees exacerbated another source of instability in the Salem area: tensions between Salem Village and Salem Town. While the town of Salem originally started out as a singular unit, after a wave of Puritan immigrants came to Massachusetts in 1630 during the Great Migration, the General Court allowed Salem to expand, giving it the legal right to settle its backwoods (B and n 37). This new land, which would eventually become Salem Village, was much more fertile than the land of Salem town, and thus would become populated by farmers, with an agricultural economy that would supply food to the population. However, similar to many other agricultural regions, as Salem Village expanded, it to hoped to become an independent town, wanting a church, minister, and meetinghouse of its own. Nevertheless, as Salem Village provided both food and tax money to the inhabitants of the town, Salem Town fought to maintain its authority over the village, which began the long-lasting conflict between Salem Town and Salem Village. After years of conflict, in March 1672, the General Court finally permitted Salem Village to build a meetinghouse and hire their own minister, promising to exempt the Villagers from paying the Towns church taxes (b and n 41). While this was a big step for the Villagers, they were still far from the independence they craved, as they still lacked autonomy and their own government. Furthermore, while they no longer had to walk several miles to attend the Towns church, their own minister could not be officially ordained, and thus could not administer communion or admit candidates candidates to formal church membership (tulane web). Thus, Salems church lacked any real authority. Due to the to the lack of power that Salem Villages own institutions held, disagreements amongst villagers tended to escalate rapidly, affecting the entire community, as there was no governing body to settle them ( b and n 52). Often, villagers would turn to the Salem Town Church and other powerful Town institutions to settle their disputes, however, the town often ignored the cries of the villagers, and often attempted to shame the Villagers into accepting personal moral responsibility for their troubles (b and n 52). Thus, not only d id Salem Villagers feel both exploited and neglected by the Town, but they suffered much societal instability due to the refusal of the Town to give them full autonomy. Not only did Salem Village and Salem Town have dissension over autonomy of the village, but they also experienced tensions due to their differing economic practices. While Salem Village, which lay in the hinterlands, relied mainly on agriculture, due to its harbor, Salem Town thrived as a center of trade and commerce (b and n 39). In 1683, the General Court declared Salems port one of the colonys ports of entry, through which all imports and exports were required to pass (too plagiarized). This not only emphasized Salems commercial importance, but it also opened up Salems access to the trading market with London, and it began exporting fish, furs, horses, grain, and a multitude of other good to colonies, the West Indies, and England (b and n 86). While these new developments lead to an increase in the Towns relative wealth, along with a rise of the merchant class, they also began to affect Salems politics. While before 1665, twice as many farmers as merchants had been elected to serve on the Town Board, merchants soon began replacing farmers, eventually outnumbering them six to one (b and n 87). Thus, only a small portion of farmers that had familial ties to merchants were able to maintain their political influence in the Town. In addition to losing political standing, Salem Villagers farmers also experienced an economic decline during this time. While agricultural wealth represented about forty percent of Salems total wealth in the 1650s, by the 1680s, it only represented about nine percent, suggesting that agriculture, the very livelihood of the villagers, had begun to decline as an industry (b and n 88). Other economic problems also ensued as the population of Salem Village grew, including the loss of available land for farming, leaving many men propertiless by 1690, and the decrease of average property size by nearly half as it became divided up for new families. As the villagers continued to watch Salem Town prosperer, while they themselves suffered economically, the hostility between the two only grew. While Salem Town seemed to be oblivious of the Villages struggles, Salem Village constantly felt the large presence of the Town and its successes, which they viewed as a hindrance to their own (b and n 88). In addition to the tension between Salem Town and Salem Village, there was conflict between the inhabitants of Salem Village, itself. While many of the villagers in the west, the area farthest inland from Salem Town, felt both intimidated and discouraged by the Townrs economic successes, not everyone from the Village felt this way. Some villagers actually saw the urbanization and commercial growth of the town as a promising development (b and n 94). Usually, it were these villagers who lived on the eastern side of the village, along the border of Salem Town. Closer to the Towns thriving trading center, as well its roads and waterways, the eastern villagers felt less alienated from the Town, and realized their potential to capitalize on the Towns successes ( b and n 94). Furthermore, the eastern side of Salem Village also had better quality land (b and n 96). Compared to the marshes and sharp hills that broke up land in the west, the east had mainly broad flat meadows, making it easier to grow crops. Thus, coupled with their closer proximity to the Town, the eastern side was better able to supply Salem Town with the goods it needed, giving it another advantage over the farmers in the west. Due to the west villagers resentment towards the easts success, along with the slowly shifting views of the easterners, the Village soon became divided, with two factions beginning to emerge. While the west farmers hoped to stay connected to the past habits and values that prized the community (games 59), the eastern villagers hoped for something else entirely, or a market oriented economy which tolerated and even accepted individual ambition. The west valued agriculture, a practice that had been their livelihood for generations. They saw their way of life as beneficial to the community and its greater good, looking down upon the capitalism emerging in Salem Town as an economy based in selfishness and self-interest. Many westerners even began to fear a capitalist society, worrying about the possibility of the easterners destroying their long-held traditions and values by engaging in the practices of Salem Town. Thus, it was no wonder that Jeremiah Watts, a resident of Salem Village, described the community in 1682 as one in which brother is against brother and neighbors [are] against neighbors, all quarreling and smiting one another (b and n 45 footnote 12). Furthermore, with both widespread jealousy and fear among the villagers themselves, along with the accumulation of all the other tensions in Salems society, the accusations and mass hysteria that soon followed is no unexplained occurrence. While the first three witchcraft accusations that emerged in 1692 would never have caused such an uproar on their own, it was the mass hysteria that ensued that turned the Salem Witch Trials into such an epidemic. After the strange fits that Abigail Williams and Betty Parris experienced in January, fear of witchcraft increased twofold. However, it was really after the confession of Reverend Parris Indian slave, Tituba, that accusations began to spread rapidly. By April, 22 more witches had been accused, and by May, 39 more had been added to that list ( b and n 31). In fact, towards the end of the summer, the number of accusations had become so great that accurate records of the official proceedings were no longer kept. By the time the trials had ended in May 1693, just a little over a year after they had started, more than 185 people had been accused of witchcraft and a total of 19 had been hanged: 14 women and 5 men (karlsen, 51). While 19 people may not sound like such a large number today, the population of Salem at the time of the trials was around 2,000, meaning that almost twenty percent of the villagers population had been accused of witchcraft, and roughly one out of every hundred of Salems residents had been executed. While outbreaks of witchcraft were not uncommon during this time, what distinguishes the Salem Witch Trials from other trials in North America and Europe is the fact that not all of the accused were poor, or of lower status, a common characteristic among those accused of being witches. Rather, many of the accused actually came from more prominent families in Salem (b and n 32). Although the first few witches were considered societal outcasts, after the initial accusations, a new pattern among the accused arose. In March, two Church members and well respected wives of wealthy landowners were accused. Similarly, in April, accusations were brought against Philip English, the wealthiest ship owner in Salem, and former Salem Village minister, George Burroughs (b and n 32). Throughout the summer of 1692, many of Massachusetts most upstanding women and men had been accused, including wealthy Boston merchant, Hezekiah Usher, Nathaniel Saltonstall, a member of the of the Governors Council and a former judge on the Court of Oyer and Terminer, and Lady Phips, the governors wife (b and n 32). By the end of the summer, the accusations had reached people in such a high level in society, that one of the lawyers who prepared the cases against the accused wrote, The afflicted spare no person of what quality so ever (boyer and nissenbaum page 32). The high status of the people accused only demonstrated the extent of the mass hysteria in Salem: the panic and fear had become so widespread that anyone was at risk of being labeled a witch, no matter where they stood in the social hierarchy. As with many cases of mass hysteria brought on from societal tensions, during the Salem Witch Trials, a scapegoat was necessary to explain the conflicts present in society. In Salem, devil worshipping witches made an obvious scapegoat. However, it was really the characteristics of the accused witches that made them them good scapegoats, easier for them to take all the blame. Typically, scapegoats are vulnerable members in society, or those who overall lack power. Thus, 1692 Salem, women perfectly fit the bill. According to Puritan religion, God had placed man above all other creatures, therefore placing men over women, and husbands superior to wives (karlsen 164). In educating their congregants about the nature of womanhood, it was common for ministers to preach about the obligation of female subjugation, warning about the severe consequences should a woman fail to do so (166 karlsen). Thus, in order for a woman to be a devout Puritan, she had to believe that she was created to lend herself to mans needs, as women who failed to serve men failed to serve God (karlsen 166). In that regard, it is understandable that in Puritan society, the main role of of a woman was seen as that of a wife, her main duties simply domestic ones, such as taking care of both children and home (karlsen 165). Furthermore, the ideal Puritan wife was loyal, an alter ego of her husband rather than an autonomous mate, and one who acknowledging him as Lord (karlsen 165). Just as woman were utterly powerless in marital relationships, having no identity separate from their husbands, so too they were thought of as members in society. This made it incredibly more easy for women to become scapegoats during the Salem Witch Trials, explaining why compared to only 44 males, 141 females were accused of witchcraft. Furthermore, almost all of the accused men were relatives of female witches, oftentimes husbands, brother, and sons. The vulnerability of women also accounted for the fact that while only 7 men were ultimately tried (16%), 52 of the accused women (36%) were brought to trial (karl sen 51). Given no standing in society, Puritan women were unable to protect themselves, completely subjugated by the men who enforced the belief that witches were women and also had the power to decide the fates of the accused. Aside from being powerless in society, many scapegoats also tend to differ from societal norms. In Puritan New England, there existed many rigid societal norms, including the practice of male heirs receiving and controlling property (games 41). Due to the the little power and social standing given to Puritan women, it was not considered acceptable for women to inherit property from their father or husband. In fact, many people even even feared propertied women, viewing them as a threat to societal order and Puritan gender roles. Furthermore, propertied women also produced much resentment among young men, who often felt that their own mothers claim to her husbands property simply delayed their own access to their fathers land (games 41). These fears and resentments made women who had inherited property good scapegoats, accounting for the fact that 61% of accused females owned land (karlsen 102). Similarly, propertied women were also 64% more likely to be prosecuted, 76% more likely to be found guilty, and 89% more likely to be executed than non-propertied women (karlsen 102). For example, Sarah Osborne, one of the first three women accused, broke societal norms after she inherited her late husbands 150 acre farm and attempted to gain full legal control of the property. Furthermore, soon after, Sarah became married again, this time to her indentured servant (b and n 194). As this too was deemed improper in Puritan culture, the community began to view Sarah as even more a deviant to the norm, and thus as a threat to the natural order of society. Similarly, many other propertied women were accused of witchcraft, such as Martha Carrier, who had inherited her fathers large farm, Elizabeth Howe, in line to inherit a third of her fathers estate, and Ann Pudeator, who had inherited the wealth of her two deceased husbands (b and n 195). While women and outcasts were never actually responsible for the troubles that plagued Salem, some of the people scapegoated were more directly involved, or at least seen as having played a larger role in Salems tensions. For example, after Abigail Hobbs confessed that she had first met the Devil in Falmouths woods during a period of Indian attacks in that area, some of the newly accused witches began to have connections to the frontier wars (Games 61). After Hobbs confession, the number of accusations rose quickly, and the geographic location of the accused spread. While at first, the accused mostly came from Salem, now, many of the accused lived in Maine, Boston, and parts of the larger New England area, all areas where major French and Indian attacks had previously taken place. Furthermore, many of the newly accused were men, some even wealthy with respectable positions in society. However, what linked all of these accused were their involvement in the frontier wars. Some were men thought responsible for the loss of certain battles, while others had just been fortunate enough to escape even though the rest of their town was destroyed, inciting both suspicion and jealousy in those less fortunate (games 61, ibid). Meanwhile, many others were wealthy merchants who profited from trade with Indians. No matter the involvement of the accused, society needed someone who they could blame for the suffering that resulted from the wars, as many people lost homes, livelihoods, and even family members. Thus, these men became the scapegoats, held accountable for the damage, simply by living on the frontier or being associated with the Indians, even though many had played little or even no role in the actual war.